We would eat well and have enough to drink. If we behaved and fulfilled our duties nothing would happen to us. So begins the wrenching account of Frau W. Those prisoners who had a privileged place in the camp hierarchy — exhibition curator Michael Sommer estimates about one percent of the forced labourers - could buy up to a quarter of an hour with one of the women for two Reichsmarks from the pittance they earned in the Nazi-run factories. No Jews worked at the brothels or were allowed to patronise them, and separate facilities were created for camp guards.
Se was hugely powerful, she said. Wollheim Memorial. The figures change with the progress of the war and the expansion of the concentration camp system. But it occupies a very important place in the memoirs of former deportees. July 30, at Nazi women sex.
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Chalmers quotes Aliza Barouch, who gave testimony about sed being sterilized at Auschwitz. Other sections of the book deals with rape and sexualized brutality and include many graphic examples, such as a report from the Jewish underground newspaper Junge Stimme in October of Jewish women being dragged out of their apartments in Lvov with the help of Ukrainians. She lost all her hair, her skin turned black, and she had blood in Nazi women sex stools. I love the idea, but the quality is so painfully foggy. A mother cradles her new born baby in the Northwest passage spencer tracy ghetto hospital. Room in a 2 bedroom shared flat in Munich. Getting online in Germany using the mobile network. Le Diable rose 78 min Smaxim - 1. Nazi women sex goes into great detail about sdx experience of Jewish women in ghettos, hiding, and concentration and labor camps in terms of pregnancy and childbirth. Comments 25 Spam comments 0. Taylor Hayes Nazi Sex 1 h 56 min Vaderinator - My story has been told. Germany's news in English Search.
I n the early s, I interviewed a large number of Germans who had risen to prominence in the film industry under the Nazis.
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Survivors and researchers usually present the concentration camp as the ultimate example of a total institution. Nonetheless, the idea that all terror was systematically organised is somewhat misleading. Camp regulations certainly gave the guards, like SS officers, the authority to punish prisoners. SS guards never officially had the right to use violence on prisoners arbitrarily, still less the right to kill them service pistols were only to be used in self-defence.
On the contrary, they had to follow a strict code of punishments. But despite these regulations and the prohibition on assaulting prisoners, the guards carried out their daily tasks brutally and bloodily. There was a considerable gap between rules and practice.
In January she was transferred to the concentration and extermination camp of Majdanek. Braunsteiner and Ehlert are good examples because they were among the first female guards and went on to hold senior positions at Majdanek. What led them to a concentration camp? How did they perform their guard duties?
What made them remain in the camps for six and a half years? How did the female guards exercise power over the prisoners? What role did physical violence have in the interplay of actors? Rather than analysing power from the point of view of its internal rationality, we will examine power relations by contrasting different strategies.
Indeed the two often go hand in hand. As we will show, different forms of violence in the camp arise out of specific situations but also depend on the people who live and work there, their position in the camp, and their place in the hierarchy of guards. It is necessary to situate the various practices of power in their historical specificity and their social asymmetries. Thus this paper focuses on the logic of power in action.
It deals with situational socialisation into violence effects of the social environment supported by gratifications , peer pressure, and the reciprocal influence of all the actors present, whether active or passive. Following a strict gender separation in accordance with the orders of Heinrich Himmler himself, female guards SS-Aufseherinnen in the terminology of the SS were only employed in concentration camps for women.
With it, Himmler also created a new type of female guard. Female guards had a specific status in the hierarchy. On the one hand, like SS men, they benefited from the status of employees of the Reich, and came under the jurisdiction of the SS.
They could become head of a subcamp or chief overseer Oberaufseherin 2. Yet to attribute to them a merely subordinate status fails to take full account of the historical reality. Responsible for roll calls, for organising prisoners into kommandos labour columns , and for supervision of the women inmates in the barracks and at work, the guards exercised direct power over the prisoners.
In the beginning, women applied on their own initiative. Starting in , the appointment of guards was usually done through the labour exchanges that had been opened in every town of the Reich Oppel, They were highly effective control mechanisms because every employee had to be recorded in their lists.
Having been opposed to the employment of women, forcing them back into the home, the Nazis now had to adapt their policies to the needs of the economy. From , every woman between the ages of 17 and 50 was subject to compulsory registration Meldepflicht with a labour exchange.
Thus the state could draw on the labour force it needed. With the launch of war against the Soviet Union in June and the Nazi policy of expansion into Soviet territories, the concentration camp system expanded significantly.
By the end of the war, 13 female camps had been opened, as well as countless subcamps reserved for women, the precise number of which has not yet been established.
The female guards performed the same supervisory duties as their male colleagues, but did not take part in the process of mass killings. Killing was reserved for SS men. Women did not participate in gassings or mass shootings though they selected victims and guarded prisoners outside the gas chambers. The total number of female guards who served in Nazi concentration camps from May to May can only be estimated.
Nazi statistics for January show 3, female camp guards as opposed to 37, male SS 4. The figures change with the progress of the war and the expansion of the concentration camp system. But the proportions of men and women remain constant throughout the entire period: a few dozen women, but thousands of men. Both of them left school after the compulsory eight years and were unmarried when they joined the SS.
As a teenager in Vienna, Braunsteiner found employment as a maid, then as an unskilled worker. She lived with her parents in difficult financial circumstances 5. She tried to leave crisis-torn Austria for the Netherlands, intending to train as a nurse there, but without success. In , Braunsteinerobtained a place as an au pair in London but left Britain after the annexation of Austria by Nazi Germany on 13 March , fearing that war would break out but also hoping that the new situation might offer her a chance to realise her dream of becoming a nurse.
Her hopes came to nothing, and all she eventually managed to get was a job in a munitions factory near Berlin. She did not enjoy this work, which was exhausting and badly paid 64 Reichsmarks, RM, net per month from which 9.
Her colleague Herta Ehlerthad trained as a saleswoman, and, by her own account, was running the branch of a shop when she was forcibly recruited through a labour exchange 7. Since we have no documentation relating to her appointment on 15 November , this cannot be verified. Braunsteiner and Ehlert fitted the profile of women targeted by the SS: aged between 21 and 45, from working-class backgrounds, and with no professional training.
The SS counted on the gratitude and loyalty of these willing and tractable recruits. For women who had to make their own living and sometimes help their families as well, service in the SS was an important step up the social ladder and offered welcome financial security.
As guards, the women gained the status of employees of the Reich, with salaries fixed according to the civil service pay scale. Once social security contributions, tax, and the cost of board and lodging in the SS sector of the camp were deducted, this left As a guard, Braunsteiner earned nearly twice as she had as a factory worker. Service in the SS offered them job security and, for their social level, very good wages, along with privileges cheap accommodation and meals, uniform, etc.
Applying for such a job did not necessarily imply any political commitment or ideological motivation, but rather the desire for higher social status and a degree of comfort. Historians often seem surprised that these women signed up voluntarily, but our research shows the logic of their choice.
Nonetheless it is true that the young women who were recruited in , at the height of Nazi triumphalism, showed few signs of any scruples.
Like everyone in Nazi Germany, they would have heard reports and rumours about the concentration camps, which until mainly held German and Austrian political prisoners 8. But the fresh recruits probably had no clear idea of what awaited them, and they did not ask themselves too many questions.
They became that in a specific social context and a specific institutional space. The concentration camp was a socio-cultural environment and a living and working reality that the guards experienced, interpreted and adapted in different and contradictory ways. Some of us made a rather grim little game of measuring the time it took for a new Aufseherin to win her stripes. Tillion, It only took a few weeks to transform the shocked, frightened and clumsy newcomers into confident guards, capable of using verbal and physical violence on the prisoners.
What happened during the first weeks? How was training carried out? What did it mean for a young woman recruit to live in a concentration camp and wear a uniform? In order to explore the process of initiation and adaptation of the SS women to the reality of the camps, we propose two lines of enquiry: the power to act, and the experience of power through architecture and the uniform. Of course concentration camps were institutions where people were imprisoned and supervised, on the basis of criteria that were initially political and subsequently racial.
But for the SS personnel, these same camps were also places where they lived and worked, run according to military rules. Life at the camp was a barracks life, if by barracks we understand an enclosed living and working environment, access to which is regulated and supervised. The guards could only go out through an official exit and needed a pass to do so. Their use of time, their space, their movements and their activities were all organised and regulated according to military rules.
As Foucault has argued, discipline organises an analytical space which arranges the circulation and movements of people and distributes bodies in space and time Foucault, — Institutions like the convent, the boarding school, the factory, the barracks, the hospital, just like the concentration camps, all make use of the same meticulous techniques, innocent in appearance, which until now have lost none of their power.
The houses and flats built for the female guards remain unique in the Nazic oncentrational system. Eight houses were arranged symmetrically in two rows around a wide square, lending a certain majesty to the group of buildings.
According to the anthropologist Insa Eschebach, the arrangement and architectural style of the houses express the self-concept of the SS. They reflect the ideological frame and life world inhabited by the SS personnel Eschebach, Each house contained ten single-occupant studio flats on two floors, and four single attic rooms, thus accommodating up to 14 guards.
On each floor five residents shared toilets, a bathroom, and a small kitchen. Their uniforms, too, played an important role in the experience of power. Upon arrival the new recruits each received two uniforms summer and winter , two pairs of boots, a pair of gloves, stockings, blouses, a field cap, and sports kit From its inception, Nazi society was a society of uniforms. Women had worn them since they joined the work force en masse during the First World War — as postwomen, ticket inspectors, etc.
But the uniform acquired a very different meaning under Nazism. It was no longer just work clothing but a sign of belonging to a community, to a political elite established according to racial criteria. Although the status and duties of female guards were comparable to that of their male counterparts, subtle distinctions were still apparent in the dress code.
They had to be content with the imperial eagle, an emblem reserved for state functionaries. Nonetheless, their uniform was still charged with significant political and social meaning, for the wearer and the observer. It marked out these civilian employees as legitimate representatives of the Nazi state. The uniform concealed individual features and character traits behind those of the group.
Their wearers enjoyed a common feeling of power and belonging. The uniform contributes to forging an esprit de corps , even though it does not exclude hierarchies of rank and frictions within the group. In her study of SS men, the political scientist Paula Diehl has clearly shown the dividing line traced between those who belong to the group and those who are excluded.
Related articles Update: Former Nazi concentration camp guard, 93, 'sorry for what he did', German court hears. French guy fucking the Nazi "top secret" scientist prison break. Other sections of the book deals with rape and sexualized brutality and include many graphic examples, such as a report from the Jewish underground newspaper Junge Stimme in October of Jewish women being dragged out of their apartments in Lvov with the help of Ukrainians. Jobs in Germany Browse jobs Post a vacancy. Few, if any, are still alive today. When possible, I placed her in my hospital, which was in reality just a grim joke… I delivered women in the eight, seventh, sixth and fifth month, always in a hurry, always with my five fingers, in the dark under terrible conditions… By a miracle, which to every doctor must sound like a fairy tale, every one of these women recovered and was able to work, which, at least for a while, saved her life.
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I n the early s, I interviewed a large number of Germans who had risen to prominence in the film industry under the Nazis. I spoke to actors, directors, critics and politicians. Bechter conducted preparatory discussions with me. He pretended to be very sad about the treatment of the Jews and told me he wished to set up a fund to donate money to impoverished Jews in Israel.
Would I help? Of course. Would I act as a sort of trustee? Given these assurances, he would facilitate the interview. Presumably, he thought I would give her an easier ride. Once the interview was done, Bechter evaporated and I never heard from him again. She had been one of the greatest stars of her era. Swedish by birth, she had big greeny-blue eyes, white curly hair and wore blue eyeliner and bright pink lipstick. His taste — apart from his wife, Magda — ran to dark-haired actresses.
But I saw no signs of curiosity about life beyond the bars. In her autobiography, she seemed surprised by the postwar hostility towards Harlan, astonished that their children were taunted as Nazis at school in Sweden. Goebbels was hugely powerful, she said. He could intervene in every aspect of a film. Her opinion does leave open the question of why SS chief Heinrich Himmler would order the film to be shown to all SS units and to concentration camp guards, on the grounds that it would put them in the right frame of mind for their work.
I asked why she had not pretended to have a sore throat like Marianne Hoppe, another actress we had interviewed. Now we know it from the films we have seen, from terrible pictures of concentration camps and suchlike.
Although ignorance is a poor defence, it is hard to give any similar benefit of the doubt to her husband. Harlan was accused of crimes against humanity for directing an inflammatory film that slandered Jewry and therefore provoked pogroms. He was acquitted, however, as it could not be proved that his film led directly to the deaths of any Jews. I know it will never heal.
That is my fate, I must live with it. The film tells the story of Anna, a country girl who runs off to the city, falls in with a bad crowd, but is eventually reunited with the land, her family and her lover. But Goebbels was unhappy: the triumph of blood and soil had to be total, and sleeping around with nasty Slavs in the decadent city could lead only to tragedy. Anna, he decided, had to kill herself. So she took off her dress and jumped. It caused a huge scandal, though she insisted to me that she had kept her petticoat on.
Women just do not matter. She was less keen, recalling that she had to pump a lot of water during the filming, which she found a bore. One knew about the war and everything that was happening. Then, to stand in front of the camera, I felt like an idiot. On 19 March , the real town of Kolberg — which in the film had held strong against the French — fell to the Allies. Six weeks later, he and Hitler were dead. This article contains affiliate links, which means we may earn a small commission if a reader clicks through and makes a purchase.
All our journalism is independent and is in no way influenced by any advertiser or commercial initiative. By clicking on an affiliate link, you accept that third-party cookies will be set. Facebook Twitter Pinterest. Topics Drama films. Reuse this content. Order by newest oldest recommendations. Show 25 25 50 All. Threads collapsed expanded unthreaded. Loading comments… Trouble loading?